Wednesday, February 11, 2009

Abject Poverty

Poverty and environment are one coin of two sides.

These kids are happy to this tricken poverty as if is the God given they are born out of this situation. To serve these kids something has to be done, much effort on shared vision of poverty eradication and policies of the country in place.

The people should hate poverty by all means, as poverty breeds poverty and shapes the environment to suit poverty status of that locality.

Given the picture above, kids play with dirty water unfortunately they happy, which is contrary to their fellow living goodenvironment backed by good sound of income shown below, landscape is good and the environment signifies that there is survival in this houses.

Monday, February 9, 2009

Poverty Incidence and Intensity in rural areas.

Poverty defined

Poverty can be seen as broad, multidimensional, partly subjective, variable over time, comprising capabilities as well as welfare, and in part relative to local norms, comparisons and expectations.

Poverty is about the inability to lead a decent - minimally acceptable - life, and while low income does make it difficult to lead a life of freedom and well-being, an exclusive concentration on seeing poverty as lowness of income misses out a great many important connections.

Rural Poor identified

There are two main rural clusters. First, rural people usually live in a farmstead or in groups of houses containing perhaps 5000-10 000 persons, disconnected by farm land, pasture, tree or shrubs. Second, most rural people spend most of their working time on farms

In practice, most poverty measurement focuses on private consumption below an objective poverty line that is both fixed over time and defined in terms of an absolute norm for a narrow aspect of welfare: for example, defining poverty as deprivation of sufficient consumption to afford enough calories, or as dollar poverty. Most studies settle for an over-simple poverty measure because it can be compared among persons, groups, places and times in a testable way. This is important in evaluating poverty-reducing policies.

This paper, too, follows this route, but also looks at the characteristics and descriptions of the poor themselves.

Knowing and understanding the poor is as important as understanding poverty. Three quarters of the world’s poor people, live in rural areas.

The poorest of the rural poor live in remote areas,

What access do the rural poor have to assets? In all regions, the rural poor lack the important asset of good quality land. Land size is often too small to ensure the nutritional well-being of the household. Indigenous groups in rural areas face particular problems in gaining access to land because the land so far is owned by a state as given by the law of the land. Access to other productive assets (modern houses) is also lower among the rural poor. This accessibility could lead to loan given by various banks in the country; they could be used as surety against sought loans.

Barriers to progress for the rural poor
Rural people are poorer partly because they are likelier to live in remote areas, to be unhealthy and illiterate, to have higher child/adult ratios, and to work in insecure and low-productivity occupations.

Land ownership is a key determinant of poverty: most of the rural poor are landless or small farmers. If at all, they have land the means of cultivation is so poor, they use hand hoe in tilling their land for consumer crops.

Increasing land pressure from population growth impedes rural farmers’ ability to expand production beyond the subsistence level in East and Southern Africa. If the poor own land, the farms are typically very small, dry land or in low fertility regions. They depend on unreliable rainfall; rather irrigation means to fill the gap of insufficient and unreliable rainfalls. Irrigation schemes calls for education given by extension officers of whom nowadays they not available in rural areas for assistance and minimum capital to finance the initiation of irrigation schemes.

Landless agricultural workers, and smallholders, are vulnerable to seasonal unemployment. In bad harvests, landless and near-landless hired workers are the first to become unemployed, before farm self-employment is cut. The landless are more likely than farmers, even small ones, to die in famines. The landless, they opt to be tenant to their landlords for their survival by seeking causal labour as the means of their survival in rural areas. The landless, however portion given by the landlords, occasionally they don’t have seek to sow in their small farm, they tempted to consume those few obtained seeds rather than waiting for them to germinate and then give staple food.
Poor soils, low rainfall and adverse climatic change

In most regions, poverty incidence is highest in marginal areas at risk from poor soils, low rainfall and adverse climatic change, though poverty is much less the cause than the consequence of environmental degradation. Soil erosion leads to a vicious circle of falling yields, increased exploitation, and further erosion. However, given the right conditions, such as access to capital, poor people have proved capable of improving their environments; intensified land use can be accompanied by environmental improvement rather than degradation

Indigenous populations face barriers to progress owing to both discrimination and their geographical location.

Barriers to progress often form a vicious circle.

Many remote rural populations lack social services, which in turn affects their productive ability. The social services include schools, health services and passable roads. As regards to this problem, the children fall into a pray of house servants in cities and towns and cities as they abscond from school attendance. The classical case is common in among others, Iringa rural, Singida and Dodoma.

Physical (remoteness) and social barriers to markets interact similarly. This similarly is true in areas of Kilolo district which is hilly district and the roads are not passable in most of the district especially in rainy seasons.

Remoteness and low population density result in inadequate infrastructure provision in rural. This affects not only productivity but also access to social services, making the rural poor more vulnerable to famine and disease, and prolonging sickness.

Poor access to health facilities, sanitation and immunization impairs the productivity, income and nutritional status of the poor in all regions, in turn making them less able to escape poverty or seek out health care.

Poverty increases exposure to short-term migration and hence Acquired Immunodeficiency Syndrome, which in parts of Tanzania has terribly impaired the working capacity of the poor.

Lack of education for poor rural women keeps fertility high in Tanzania, and large family size impedes female education and the escape from poverty. However, there is an effort to reduce this gap for rural women through the MKUKUTA window but much dedicated efforts to emancipate the women, something has to be done.

Environment and poverty: How far a given income will go will depend also on environmental conditions, including climatic circumstances, such as temperature ranges, or rainfall and flooding. The environmental conditions need not be unalterable - they could be improved with communal efforts, or worsened by pollution or depletion. But an individual may have to take much of the environmental conditions as "given" in converting incomes and personal resources into functionings and quality of life. The environmental destruction and poverty are one in a coin of two sides, the poor turn environment opportunities into their survival by traditional farming through shifting cultivation, cutting trees and burning them, to till the land for subsistence crops and large scale grazing of cattle.The environmental issue is, thus, an integral part of poverty removal, and there is no way of delinking the search for sustainable development from the perspective of poverty removal. Kofi Annan, the former Secretary-General of the United Nations, had this to say; "The impact of climate change will fall disproportionately on the world's poorest countries, here in Africa." Call attention to, "Poor people already live on the front line of pollution, disaster and the degradation of resources and land." "For them adaptation is a matter of sheer survival." This focus on the poor brings us solidly into one of the most important connections - that between poverty and the environment - which deserve much greater attention right now. It is important to see why and how the perspective of poverty has to be central to environmental and ecological thinking, and on the other side, why environment and ecology are integral problems of policy against poverty.

Rural areas are more at risk from large falls in employment induced by climate; from droughts and floods; from illness and high mortality; and often from war, cattle raiding (Mara, Arusha) or civil disturbance (farmers against pastoralists).

The poor are especially vulnerable to most such risks.

Poor people, especially in rural areas, are particularly likely to be vulnerable to the consequences of two patterns of events. The first involves a high rate of child deaths, linked to many and closely spaced births, and large, chronically poor families.

The second pattern involves sharp income reductions in bad times, inability to build up or keep assets (including skills), reliance on unskilled and often casual labour for income, residence in unreliably watered rural areas and transient but frequent and severe poverty. The current rapid transition from higher to lower fertility is transforming both these patterns of events.

Consequences of Poverty

Poverty can certainly make a person outraged and desperate, and a sense of injustice can be a good ground for rebellion - even bloody rebellion.
There has, in fact, been an increasing tendency in recent years to argue in favour of policies of poverty removal on the ground that this is the surest way to prevent political strife and turmoil. Since generic physical violence seems to be more widely loathed and feared, especially by well-placed people, than social inequity and the deprivation - even extreme deprivation - of others, it is indeed tempting to be able to tell all, including the rich and those well-placed in society, that terrible poverty will generate terrifying violence, threatening the lives of all. Given the visibility and public anxiety about wars and disorders, the indirect justification of poverty removal - not for its own sake but for pursuing peace and quiet - has become, in recent years, a dominant part of the rhetoric of fighting poverty (MKUKUTA strategy). Given the co-existence of violence and poverty, it is not at all unnatural to ask whether poverty kills twice - first through economic privation, and second through political and social carnage are anticipated.

Thursday, January 29, 2009

Ramani yetu

Nembo yetu

Obamas Speech

My fellow citizens:
I stand here today humbled by the task before us, grateful for the trust you have bestowed, mindful of the sacrifices borne by our ancestors. I thank President Bush for his service to our nation, as well as the generosity and cooperation he has shown throughout this transition.
Forty-four Americans have now taken the presidential oath. The words have been spoken during rising tides of prosperity and the still waters of peace. Yet, every so often, the oath is taken amidst gathering clouds and raging storms. At these moments, America has carried on not simply because of the skill or vision of those in high office, but because We the People have remained faithful to the ideals of our forebearers, and true to our founding documents.
So it has been. So it must be with this generation of Americans.
That we are in the midst of crisis is now well understood. Our nation is at war, against a far-reaching network of violence and hatred. Our economy is badly weakened, a consequence of greed and irresponsibility on the part of some, but also our collective failure to make hard choices and prepare the nation for a new age. Homes have been lost; jobs shed; businesses shuttered. Our health care is too costly; our schools fail too many; and each day brings further evidence that the ways we use energy strengthen our adversaries and threaten our planet.
These are the indicators of crisis, subject to data and statistics. Less measurable but no less profound is a sapping of confidence across our land -- a nagging fear that America's decline is inevitable, and that the next generation must lower its sights.
Today I say to you that the challenges we face are real. They are serious and they are many. They will not be met easily or in a short span of time. But know this, America: They will be met.
On this day, we gather because we have chosen hope over fear, unity of purpose over conflict and discord.
On this day, we come to proclaim an end to the petty grievances and false promises, the recriminations and worn-out dogmas, that for far too long have strangled our politics.
We remain a young nation, but in the words of Scripture, the time has come to set aside childish things. The time has come to reaffirm our enduring spirit; to choose our better history; to carry forward that precious gift, that noble idea, passed on from generation to generation: the God-given promise that all are equal, all are free, and all deserve a chance to pursue their full measure of happiness.
In reaffirming the greatness of our nation, we understand that greatness is never a given. It must be earned. Our journey has never been one of shortcuts or settling for less. It has not been the path for the fainthearted -- for those who prefer leisure over work, or seek only the pleasures of riches and fame. Rather, it has been the risk-takers, the doers, the makers of things -- some celebrated, but more often men and women obscure in their labor -- who have carried us up the long, rugged path toward prosperity and freedom.
For us, they packed up their few worldly possessions and traveled across oceans in search of a new life.
For us, they toiled in sweatshops and settled the West; endured the lash of the whip and plowed the hard earth.
For us, they fought and died, in places like Concord and Gettysburg; Normandy and Khe Sahn.
Time and again, these men and women struggled and sacrificed and worked till their hands were raw so that we might live a better life. They saw America as bigger than the sum of our individual ambitions; greater than all the differences of birth or wealth or faction.
This is the journey we continue today. We remain the most prosperous, powerful nation on Earth. Our workers are no less productive than when this crisis began. Our minds are no less inventive, our goods and services no less needed than they were last week or last month or last year. Our capacity remains undiminished. But our time of standing pat, of protecting narrow interests and putting off unpleasant decisions -- that time has surely passed. Starting today, we must pick ourselves up, dust ourselves off, and begin again the work of remaking America.
For everywhere we look, there is work to be done. The state of the economy calls for action, bold and swift, and we will act -- not only to create new jobs, but to lay a new foundation for growth. We will build the roads and bridges, the electric grids and digital lines that feed our commerce and bind us together. We will restore science to its rightful place, and wield technology's wonders to raise health care's quality and lower its cost. We will harness the sun and the winds and the soil to fuel our cars and run our factories. And we will transform our schools and colleges and universities to meet the demands of a new age. All this we can do. And all this we will do.
Now, there are some who question the scale of our ambitions -- who suggest that our system cannot tolerate too many big plans. Their memories are short. For they have forgotten what this country has already done; what free men and women can achieve when imagination is joined to common purpose, and necessity to courage.
What the cynics fail to understand is that the ground has shifted beneath them -- that the stale political arguments that have consumed us for so long no longer apply. The question we ask today is not whether our government is too big or too small, but whether it works -- whether it helps families find jobs at a decent wage, care they can afford, a retirement that is dignified. Where the answer is yes, we intend to move forward. Where the answer is no, programs will end. And those of us who manage the public's dollars will be held to account -- to spend wisely, reform bad habits, and do our business in the light of day -- because only then can we restore the vital trust between a people and their government.
Nor is the question before us whether the market is a force for good or ill. Its power to generate wealth and expand freedom is unmatched, but this crisis has reminded us that without a watchful eye, the market can spin out of control -- and that a nation cannot prosper long when it favors only the prosperous. The success of our economy has always depended not just on the size of our gross domestic product, but on the reach of our prosperity; on our ability to extend opportunity to every willing heart -- not out of charity, but because it is the surest route to our common good.
As for our common defense, we reject as false the choice between our safety and our ideals. Our Founding Fathers, faced with perils we can scarcely imagine, drafted a charter to assure the rule of law and the rights of man, a charter expanded by the blood of generations. Those ideals still light the world, and we will not give them up for expedience's sake. And so to all other peoples and governments who are watching today, from the grandest capitals to the small village where my father was born: Know that America is a friend of each nation and every man, woman and child who seeks a future of peace and dignity, and that we are ready to lead once more.
Recall that earlier generations faced down fascism and communism not just with missiles and tanks, but with sturdy alliances and enduring convictions. They understood that our power alone cannot protect us, nor does it entitle us to do as we please. Instead, they knew that our power grows through its prudent use; our security emanates from the justness of our cause, the force of our example, the tempering qualities of humility and restraint.
We are the keepers of this legacy. Guided by these principles once more, we can meet those new threats that demand even greater effort -- even greater cooperation and understanding between nations. We will begin to responsibly leave Iraq to its people, and forge a hard-earned peace in Afghanistan. With old friends and former foes, we will work tirelessly to lessen the nuclear threat, and roll back the specter of a warming planet. We will not apologize for our way of life, nor will we waver in its defense, and for those who seek to advance their aims by inducing terror and slaughtering innocents, we say to you now that our spirit is stronger and cannot be broken; you cannot outlast us, and we will defeat you.
For we know that our patchwork heritage is a strength, not a weakness. We are a nation of Christians and Muslims, Jews and Hindus -- and nonbelievers. We are shaped by every language and culture, drawn from every end of this Earth; and because we have tasted the bitter swill of civil war and segregation, and emerged from that dark chapter stronger and more united, we cannot help but believe that the old hatreds shall someday pass; that the lines of tribe shall soon dissolve; that as the world grows smaller, our common humanity shall reveal itself; and that America must play its role in ushering in a new era of peace.
To the Muslim world, we seek a new way forward, based on mutual interest and mutual respect. To those leaders around the globe who seek to sow conflict, or blame their society's ills on the West: Know that your people will judge you on what you can build, not what you destroy. To those who cling to power through corruption and deceit and the silencing of dissent, know that you are on the wrong side of history; but that we will extend a hand if you are willing to unclench your fist.
To the people of poor nations, we pledge to work alongside you to make your farms flourish and let clean waters flow; to nourish starved bodies and feed hungry minds. And to those nations like ours that enjoy relative plenty, we say we can no longer afford indifference to suffering outside our borders; nor can we consume the world's resources without regard to effect. For the world has changed, and we must change with it.
As we consider the road that unfolds before us, we remember with humble gratitude those brave Americans who, at this very hour, patrol far-off deserts and distant mountains. They have something to tell us today, just as the fallen heroes who lie in Arlington whisper through the ages. We honor them not only because they are guardians of our liberty, but because they embody the spirit of service; a willingness to find meaning in something greater than themselves. And yet, at this moment -- a moment that will define a generation -- it is precisely this spirit that must inhabit us all.
For as much as government can do and must do, it is ultimately the faith and determination of the American people upon which this nation relies. It is the kindness to take in a stranger when the levees break, the selflessness of workers who would rather cut their hours than see a friend lose their job which sees us through our darkest hours. It is the firefighter's courage to storm a stairway filled with smoke, but also a parent's willingness to nurture a child, that finally decides our fate.
Our challenges may be new. The instruments with which we meet them may be new. But those values upon which our success depends -- hard work and honesty, courage and fair play, tolerance and curiosity, loyalty and patriotism -- these things are old. These things are true. They have been the quiet force of progress throughout our history. What is demanded then is a return to these truths. What is required of us now is a new era of responsibility -- a recognition, on the part of every American, that we have duties to ourselves, our nation and the world; duties that we do not grudgingly accept but rather seize gladly, firm in the knowledge that there is nothing so satisfying to the spirit, so defining of our character, than giving our all to a difficult task.
This is the price and the promise of citizenship.
This is the source of our confidence -- the knowledge that God calls on us to shape an uncertain destiny.
This is the meaning of our liberty and our creed -- why men and women and children of every race and every faith can join in celebration across this magnificent Mall, and why a man whose father less than 60 years ago might not have been served at a local restaurant can now stand before you to take a most sacred oath.
So let us mark this day with remembrance, of who we are and how far we have traveled. In the year of America's birth, in the coldest of months, a small band of patriots huddled by dying campfires on the shores of an icy river. The capital was abandoned. The enemy was advancing. The snow was stained with blood. At a moment when the outcome of our revolution was most in doubt, the father of our nation ordered these words be read to the people:
"Let it be told to the future world ... that in the depth of winter, when nothing but hope and virtue could survive... that the city and the country, alarmed at one common danger, came forth to meet [it]."
America. In the face of our common dangers, in this winter of our hardship, let us remember these timeless words. With hope and virtue, let us brave once more the icy currents, and endure what storms may come. Let it be said by our children's children that when we were tested, we refused to let this journey end, that we did not turn back, nor did we falter; and with eyes fixed on the horizon and God's grace upon us, we carried forth that great gift of freedom and delivered it safely to future generations.

Bonds of Marriage

Good bonds of Marriage
Think of Your Spouse First
Imagine if every morning you woke up asking, "How can I make my husband's day as special and wonderful as possible?" And if he woke asking the same question? You'd be guaranteed a happy marriage.
Now I realize that's not a realistic daily occurrence. We so often wake up thinking, "Is it my turn to bring snack for soccer practice?" But if you at least try to put your spouse or partner first, and he does the same for you, you'll be a step ahead.
And those times when you each think of the other first? It's as beautiful a moment as reading a classic
Communicate With Words
A happy marriage would be simple if we all could read minds. Unfortunately, my husband communicates best by hearing words that I speak. I'm betting yours does too.
Don't expect your spouse to guess why you're upset or to know what will help you. You have to ask for what you need, whether it's time alone or a big hug or for him to pick up his dirty socks from the floor.
Trust me, he'll thank you for spelling out the solution to your bad mood. He loves you more than anyone in the world -- he wants to fix the problem.
When you ask for what you need, whether it's emotional support or household chores, it helps to use the manners mama taught you. The same request comes off very differently if it's done with a smile and a hug, as opposed to a whiny tone or angry face.
Say Thank You and Sorry
And while I'm on the topic, many a marriage has been saved by a well-timed apology. Even if you don't think you did anything wrong, can't you honestly say that you're sorry to see your spouse so upset?
When your partner is furious or hurt, the most important thing is to hear his anger. Don't get defensive and launch into explanations. Let him know you are listening by giving the gift of empathy. It won't kill you to say "I'm sorry," and it may just take the wind out of his sails. Certainly, it allows him to admit he might have been in the wrong also.
And when your husband does something special for you, even if you had to ask for it, make sure to say thank you. There are other much-appreciated ways to reward a man, so consider one of those too.
Touch Each Other
That brings us to the bedroom. Yes, a fulfilling sex life is an integral part of many happy marriages. But just as important are the hugs, kisses and casual touches that remind you of the time when you met and fell in love. Before kids, before the mortgage, before the bills.
When you're raising babies and young children, their physical demands can be exhausting, especially for moms. So you need to make a conscious decision to save some energy for a physical connection with your husband too -- even if it means leaving the email or the thank you notes for another day.
You may not be in the mood. You may feel uncomfortable with your post-baby body. But if you start to let your sex life slide, you can quickly become little more than roommates with the man who was once the love of your life. And you may find that once you start feeling romantic and enjoying intimacy again, you tap into your pre-mommy hood libido.
Assume Good Intentions
Our society is so focused on grievance and complaint. It's easy to develop a narrative in your head about what your spouse has done wrong and how put upon you are.
Keeping mental lists of wrongdoing is a sure recipe for drama and turbulence in your home. Instead, try to think of a positive reason that he might have for acting the way he did.
Maybe he forgot to pick up the kids at daycare because he was working hard to support your family. Maybe he ignored your mother-in-law's nasty comment about working moms because he didn't hear it. Maybe he was going to get to the dirty dishes in the sink after the kids were asleep, and then he got distracted by the bills.
Your made-up explanation may not be the right one, but thinking through the alternatives gives you space to imagine that there are valid reasons for his actions. The next step -- ask him what was going on. You can even have the conversation on date night!

Monday, January 26, 2009

JK's speech

The Late Mwalimu Julius Kambarage Nyerere

MR SPEAKER: Honourable Members of Parliament

THIS is the first time I have spoken to this Parliament - although I have on a number of occasions spoken to members at party' and other meetings. It will probably also be the last time before the General Election later this year. In the past five years many changes have been made in our country. Candidates in the coming elections will be seeking votes from many new voters and from a different political and economic society than that which existed in 1970. Many of the changes and achievements in Tanzania have stemmed from the work of this Parliament.

One hundred and forty-nine Acts of Parliament had been passed by this House, and signed by me, even before the current session began. They were varied in content, and in complexity. They included very fundamental changes to the constitution - a matter to which I shall return - as well as measures to extend public ownership and control over the economy of this country. In addition, other laws were made which will have a long term impact on the nature of our social and cultural life in Tanzania. I am referring there to things like the Marriage Act, which although it has some faults, should in the course of time do a great deal to improve the status and the position of women in our society.

But as Members of Parliament know very well, the work of a 'Mbunge' is not confined to public debate or Parliamentary questions. There are Parliamentary Committee meetings, and meetings of the National Planning Commission, as well as regional and district development committees, which all have to be attended. 'Wabunge' have also to be in constant contact with their constituencies, and available to help and advise the people who live there. For it is an important part of an MP's job to be in touch with problems and opportunities in his or her own area. Only by this can he or she help the party and the Government -- whether at local or national level -- to solve problems before they become crises, and to convert potential development of the people into actual development. My impression is that many Members have taken these less publicised functions very seriously. I would add that all MPs, whether or not they have spoken a great deal in Parliament or asked numerous questions, have in my opinion been very good Members of this House.

What I am saying is that MPs have good grounds for pride in the work they have collectively done during the past five years. Yet it would be idle to pretend that this means that Tanzania is now in a strong position economically, or that we have achieved as much as we hoped to do. For despite everything which has been done - and it is a good deal - Tanzania is now enmeshed in very severe economic difficulties. Apart from, any mistakes which we may have made, and which I shall be referring to, there are three major reasons for our present difficulties. They are, the rapid inflation rate in the developed world, the sudden and large increase in the price of oil and petroleum products, and the drought which caused widespread crop failures and animals deaths in our country.

These three factors have all been explained, and their effects discussed, during this Budget Session of Parliament. I do not propose to repeat the explanations which have been given to Parliament and to the country by myself and the ministers during the last sixteen months. But I do want to emphasise the seriousness of the situation.

Our population has increased by about two million people since 1970; we now have over 15 million people. That means that the number of people who need to eat, have clothes, houses, schools, dispensaries, etc, is increasing by about 2.7 per cent a year. In other words, if we are just to maintain our existing standard of living - without any improvement at all we have to increase our production of goods and services by at least 2.7 per cent a year. If we produce only the same amount one year as we did the year previously' then either our average standard of living goes down by 2.7 per cent or up to 400,000 people starve to death, go naked, and so on.

But a 2.7 per cent increase in the production of wealth and services only leaves us where we were. If you are a herdsman with five people in family, and five goats, your wealth works out at one goat per person. If the numbers are increased by one kid and one child every year, you will still have one goat per' person - no better than before. Our nation will be in the same position if we fail to increase our production of wealth by more than 2.7 per cent a "year. And that is not acceptable. We must make the efforts necessary to improve our lives year by year. That has been the objective of all our economic plans, and at all our people's activity since independence.

That we have made great advances since 1970 is undeniable. But because of the combination of the three adverse economic factors I have already mentioned - none of which were within our control - we were not able to maintain our rate of expansion last year. Indeed, our National Income in 1974 increased less than the pupation increased - which means that the amount of wealth available per person actually decreased during that period. The family increased to six, but the number of goats remained at five! It is true that last year we did get special and new development assistance from a number of friendly countries and organisations. Indeed, without it many, of our development projects would have come to a halt. So I would like to use this opportunity to join with the Minister for Finance in thanking these organisations and friendly countries for their help. But we cannot depend upon this continuing indefinitely. Nor should we want it to do so. Our aim is self-reliance. We have to get to a position where we can withstand adverse external economic changes without disaster, and where we have sufficient reserves of food, raw materials, and foreign exchange, to carry us over bad harvests or unavoidable shortages of particular essential commodities.

In other words, we have to make a very great effort to increase production in all sectors in the coming year. We have to use our existing resources of men, of skill and of our factors of 'production, to the utmost. We must use our land more extensively, and more intensively - getting more production from each hectare. We have to use our machines 24 hours of the day - which means that we have to produce more of the raw materials our factories use, and more of the electricity and water they need to run on. But the truth is that even if we do this we shall still not be able; to undertake all the new investment in services and, extra productive capacity which we know to be urgent. Indeed, we shall probably continue to have problems about the supply of raw materials and essential services for our existing factories and farms. For the purchase of raw materials from abroad, the expansion of our own productive capacity, and even an increase in communal social services, all take foreign exchange and money. And we are desperately short of foreign exchange we have very little money for development.

Once again we have to remind ourselves that "to plan is to choose."

Through their discussions in the National Planning Commission, Members of Parliament should themselves now be more aware of this problem of allocating very limited resources of men and money among unlimited needs. It is, on a national scale, a problem which almost every Tanzanian family has to face. When a farmer produces only 10 bags of maize a year -- for whatever reason -- he has to make very difficult decisions about which family needs he can meet. First they have to eat until the next harvest. And seeds must be put aside for the next planting -- only a fool eats his seed.

Then, if there is anything at all left the farmer will sell a little in order to buy clothes and other necessary things including a 'jembe' with which to cultivate next season. If his child is growing up it will be necessary for him to' buy an extra 'jembe' this year compared with the previous year. The farmer's problem is very great, just because of his existing poverty. So it is with a poor country like Tanzania.

We do not produce enough wealth to do all the things which need to be done. We have to make almost arbitrary decisions to do one thing rather than another, when all the things which require doing are urgent, and when there are many other good things we would like to do. We are not in the position of choosing between luxuries and essentials. We are still so poor that we are choosing between the essentials themselves, and therefore leaving some of them undone.

In our situation, all that we can do is make sure that we use whatever resources we do have to good effect. We have to strive to increase our output by using properly what we already have. And if we do achieve an increase in production we have to resist the temptation to spend it all on personal consumption. First we have to put aside enough to buy the equivalent of the farmer's seed and replacement" jembe." Second, we must use some of the wealth to increase the availability of things like water, schools, hospitals and so on. And it is essential also that we should devote some of our increases in wealth to investment in new production capacity -- that is buying machines for new factories, producing more electricity etc., because the number of Tanzanians able to work in the fields or in factories is increasing every year.

In fact, of course, the expansion of public services itself depends upon investment in new production facilities. Schools need books, which require investment in paper production and printing presses; hospitals require water and drugs; expanded agricultural output requires more factories and workshops making tools or fertlliser which in turn require more electricity and cement -- and so on down the chain.

Source: Daily News

Tuesday, November 11, 2008




"If there is anyone out there who still doubts that America is a place where all things are possible, who still wonders if the dream of our founders is alive in our time, who still questions the power of our democracy, tonight is your answer.
It's the answer told by lines that stretched around schools and churches in numbers this nation has never seen, by people who waited three hours and four hours, many for the very first time in their lives, because they believed that this time must be different, that their voice could be that difference.
It's the answer spoken by young and old, rich and poor, Democrat and Republican, black, white, Latino, Asian, Native American, gay, straight, disabled and not disabled - Americans who sent a message to the world that we have never been a collection of Red States and Blue States: we are, and always will be, the United States of America.
It's the answer that led those who have been told for so long by so many to be cynical, and fearful, and doubtful of what we can achieve to put their hands on the arc of history and bend it once more toward the hope of a better day.
It's been a long time coming, but tonight, because of what we did on this day, in this election, at this defining moment, change has come to America.
'Unyielding support'
I just received a very gracious call from Senator McCain. He fought long and hard in this campaign, and he’s fought even longer and harder for the country he loves. He has endured sacrifices for America that most of us cannot begin to imagine, and we are better off for the service rendered by this brave and selfless leader. I congratulate him and Governor Palin for all they have achieved, and I look forward to working with them to renew this nation's promise in the months ahead.
I want to thank my partner in this journey, a man who campaigned from his heart and spoke for the men and women he grew up with on the streets of Scranton and rode with on that train home to Delaware, the vice president-elect of the United States, Joe Biden.
I would not be standing here tonight without the unyielding support of my best friend for the last sixteen years, the rock of our family and the love of my life, our nation’s next First Lady, Michelle Obama. Sasha and Malia, I love you both so much, and you have earned the new puppy that's coming with us to the White House. And while she's no longer with us, I know my grandmother is watching, along with the family that made me who I am. I miss them tonight, and know that my debt to them is beyond measure.
To my campaign manager David Plouffe, my chief strategist David Axelrod, and the best campaign team ever assembled in the history of politics - you made this happen, and I am forever grateful for what you’ve sacrificed to get it done.
But above all, I will never forget who this victory truly belongs to - it belongs to you.
I was never the likeliest candidate for this office. We didn’t start with much money or many endorsements. Our campaign was not hatched in the halls of Washington - it began in the backyards of Des Moines and the living rooms of Concord and the front porches of Charleston.

'Task ahead'
It was built by working men and women who dug into what little savings they had to give five dollars and ten dollars and twenty dollars to this cause. It grew strength from the young people who rejected the myth of their generation's apathy, who left their homes and their families for jobs that offered little pay and less sleep, from the not-so-young people who braved the bitter cold and scorching heat to knock on the doors of perfect strangers, from the millions of Americans who volunteered, and organized, and proved that more than two centuries later, a government of the people, by the people and for the people has not perished from this Earth. This is your victory.
I know you didn't do this just to win an election and I know you didn't do it for me. You did it because you understand the enormity of the task that lies ahead. For even as we celebrate tonight, we know the challenges that tomorrow will bring are the greatest of our lifetime - two wars, a planet in peril, the worst financial crisis in a century.
Even as we stand here tonight, we know there are brave Americans waking up in the deserts of Iraq and the mountains of Afghanistan to risk their lives for us. There are mothers and fathers who will lie awake after their children fall asleep and wonder how they'll make the mortgage, or pay their doctor's bills, or save enough for college. There is new energy to harness and new jobs to be created; new schools to build and threats to meet and alliances to repair.
The road ahead will be long. Our climb will be steep. We may not get there in one year or even one term, but America - I have never been more hopeful than I am tonight that we will get there. I promise you - we as a people will get there.
There will be setbacks and false starts. There are many who won’t agree with every decision or policy I make as President, and we know that government can’t solve every problem. But I will always be honest with you about the challenges we face. I will listen to you, especially when we disagree.
And above all, I will ask you join in the work of remaking this nation the only way it's been done in America for 221 years – block by block, brick by brick, calloused hand by calloused hand.
'Spirit of patriotism'
What began twenty-one months ago in the depths of winter must not end on this autumn night. This victory alone is not the change we seek – it is only the chance for us to make that change. And that cannot happen if we go back to the way things were. It cannot happen without you.
So let us summon a new spirit of patriotism; of service and responsibility where each of us resolves to pitch in and work harder and look after not only ourselves, but each other. Let us remember that if this financial crisis taught us anything, it’s that we cannot have a thriving Wall Street while Main Street suffers – in this country, we rise or fall as one nation, as one people.
Let us resist the temptation to fall back on the same partisanship and pettiness and immaturity that has poisoned our politics for so long. Let us remember that it was a man from this state who first carried the banner of the Republican Party to the White House – a party founded on the values of self-reliance, individual liberty, and national unity.
Those are values we all share, and while the Democratic Party has won a great victory tonight, we do so with a measure of humility and determination to heal the divides that have held back our progress. As Lincoln said to a nation far more divided than ours, "We are not enemies, but friends ... though passion may have strained it must not break our bonds of affection." And to those Americans whose support I have yet to earn – I may not have won your vote, but I hear your voices, I need your help, and I will be your President too.
And to all those watching tonight from beyond our shores, from parliaments and palaces to those who are huddled around radios in the forgotten corners of our world – our stories are singular, but our destiny is shared, and a new dawn of American leadership is at hand.
'Peace and security'
To those who would tear this world down – we will defeat you. To those who seek peace and security – we support you. And to all those who have wondered if America’s beacon still burns as bright – tonight we proved once more that the true strength of our nation comes not from our the might of our arms or the scale of our wealth, but from the enduring power of our ideals: democracy, liberty, opportunity, and unyielding hope.
For that is the true genius of America – that America can change. Our union can be perfected. And what we have already achieved gives us hope for what we can and must achieve tomorrow.
This election had many firsts and many stories that will be told for generations. But one that’s on my mind tonight is about a woman who cast her ballot in Atlanta. She’s a lot like the millions of others who stood in line to make their voice heard in this election except for one thing – Ann Nixon Cooper is 106 years old.
She was born just a generation past slavery; a time when there were no cars on the road or planes in the sky; when someone like her couldn’t vote for two reasons – because she was a woman and because of the color of her skin.
And tonight, I think about all that she's seen throughout her century in America – the heartache and the hope; the struggle and the progress; the times we were told that we can’t, and the people who pressed on with that American creed: Yes we can.
'Common purpose'
At a time when women’s voices were silenced and their hopes dismissed, she lived to see them stand up and speak out and reach for the ballot. Yes we can.
When there was despair in the dust bowl and depression across the land, she saw a nation conquer fear itself with a New Deal, new jobs and a new sense of common purpose. Yes we can.
When the bombs fell on our harbor and tyranny threatened the world, she was there to witness a generation rise to greatness and a democracy was saved. Yes we can.
She was there for the buses in Montgomery, the hoses in Birmingham, a bridge in Selma, and a preacher from Atlanta who told a people that “We Shall Overcome.” Yes we can.
'Fundamental truth'
A man touched down on the moon, a wall came down in Berlin, a world was connected by our own science and imagination.
And this year, in this election, she touched her finger to a screen, and cast her vote, because after 106 years in America, through the best of times and the darkest of hours, she knows how America can change. Yes we can.
America, we have come so far. We have seen so much. But there is so much more to do. So tonight, let us ask ourselves – if our children should live to see the next century; if my daughters should be so lucky to live as long as Ann Nixon Cooper, what change will they see? What progress will we have made?
This is our chance to answer that call. This is our moment. This is our time – to put our people back to work and open doors of opportunity for our kids; to restore prosperity and promote the cause of peace, to reclaim the American Dream and reaffirm that fundamental truth – that out of many, we are one, that while we breathe, we hope, and where we are met with cynicism, and doubt, and those who tell us that we can't, we will respond with that timeless creed that sums up the spirit of a people:
Yes We Can. Thank you, God bless you, and may God Bless the United States of America."


Watu wamewahi kuandika sana wakizingatia kuona halisi au kupitia majarida mbalimbali, leo nami naandika hasa baada ya kuguswa na umaskini ambao nimeouna hapa California San Diego. Mji wa San Diego ni mzuri sana umekaa kitalii hivi japo utalii unachukua nafasi ya tatu baada ya shughuli za kijeshi na teknolojia ya kibaiolojia.

Pamoja na yote nimeona watu maskini akina Matonya wakiombaomba tena wanasema hawana mahali pa kulala. Anatembea na vilago mahali popote anaweza kulala pale usiku ukiingia.

Kwa msingi huo umaskini huu ni wa mali (material possession) na pia kipato (income), kama wangekuwa na mali ya urithi kama nyumba basi wangeomba na jioni kwenda kulala kwao. Hapa nimegundua kuwa nchi ni tajiri lakini watu wake ni maskini wale hasa wasio nacho.

Kwa upande mwingine serikali yao iko makini sana na suala la kodi hakuna mianya ya kukwepa kodi watu wake wanajivua kulipa kodi, hata grocery imeandikishwa kulipa kodi, kodi ni msingi wa maendeleo yao hii imesaidia kupata huduma bora za jumla kama barabara zuri na usafi wa jiji.

Pia umaskini huu umeleta matabaka, utaona watu weusi baadhi ndiyo wanaofanya kazi ngumu wakimwemo na raia wa Mexico. Ndiyo wahudumu mahotelini naamini wanalipwa kiasi kidogo sana ambacho ni kama kamba waliyofungwa nayo hakuna kuikata, yaani mduara wa umaskini. Hivyo umaskini huzalisha umaskini, poverty breeds poverty, kweli tembea uyaone.

Karibuni kwa maoni yenu.

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